By Donald Ray Cressey
This is a publication approximately Edwin H. Sutherland's idea of vary ential organization. I bought my Ph. D. from Indiana collage, the place I labored with Sutherland, and the amount is made up mostly of my writings on differential organization throughout the years 1952-1963. in spite of the fact that, the amount is neither a festschrift nor a publication of reprints. the unique fabrics have ordinarily been particularly seriously edited to be able to supply the amount coherence and with a view to reduce repetition and redundancy. for instance, parts of 1 magazine article seem in Chapters I, IV and V; components of a bankruptcy released in a contemporary e-book seem in Chapters I, II and III; and bankruptcy IX consists of 2 inter-related articles, released 8 years aside. bankruptcy I has no longer seemed in other places in its current shape, yet such a lot of it contains snippets culled from a number of of my articles and books and woven jointly in new shape. The publication is meant basically for non-American readers, who regularly will not be as acquainted with Sutherland's thought (or with different sociological and social mental theories approximately delinquency, crime and corrections) as are americans. but no less than a nodding acquaintance with Sutherland's paintings is changing into more and more essential to an clever examining of the yank literature in criminology.
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Extra info for Delinquency, Crime and Differential Association
Sample text
Neumeyer, Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Society, Second Edition, New York: Van Nostrand, 1955, p. 152 ; James F. , "Differential Association as a Hypothesis: Problems of Empirical Testing", Social Problems,8 (Summer, 1960), pp. 14-25; Trice, op. ; S. Kirson Weinberg, "Theories of Criminality and Problems of Prediction", Journal ofCriminal Law and Criminology, 45 (November-December, 1954), pp. 412--429. 21 See the statement on p. 19, above. 22 Op. , p. 182. "23 Such statements are not so much errors in interpretation of the differential association statement as they are errors regarding the role of theory, hypotheses and facts in scientific research.
10 A further complication in this regard arises because some crimes become known to the police only if a victim complains, while other offences become known by direct observation on the part of the police. Cases of drunken driving, for example, usually get into police records only if observed by a policeman, while cases of burglary usually become known to the police as a result of a report by the victim. The ratio of offences committed to offences known probably is greater for those offences that get into police records only when observed by the police than for those which get into the reports as a result of complaints by victims.
63--65. 36 INTRODUCTION TO THE THEORY and sometimes as "forgery," making it impossible to get a close estimate of the amount of variation in time of anyone of these offences. 12 Fifth, when comparisons are made, the mere number of crimes known to the police is not sufficient. What is needed is statements of rates-the number of crimes in proportion to the number of population or in proportion to some other base. But determination of this base is sometimes almost as difficult as determination of the crime ratio itself.