Individuals: Fabian Muniesa, Liliana Doganova, Horacio Ortiz, Álvaro Pina-Stranger, Florence Paterson, Alaric Bourgoin, Véra Ehrenstein, Pierre-André Juven, David Pontille, Başak Saraç-Lesavre, Guillaume Yon
What does it suggest to show whatever into capital? What does contemplating issues as resources entail? What does the superiority of an investor’s point of view require? what's this tradition of valuation that asks that we capitalize on every little thing? How do we make experience of the qualities, must haves and upshots of this pervasive cultural situation?
This e-book takes the reader to an ethnographic walk down the path of capitalization. Start-up businesses, study facilities, consulting agencies, kingdom corporations, funding banks, public administrations: the territory can definitely turn out unusual and disorienting in the beginning sight, with its blurred barriers among deepest appropriation and public curiosity, monetary sanity and ethical breakdown, the literal and the metaphorical, the sensible and the ideological. The vacationer definitely calls for a resolutely pragmatist angle, and a flavor for the meanders of signification. yet in all of the websites during which we set foot during this inquiry we realize a routine semiotic advanced: a situation of valuation during which issues symbolize via advantage in their skill to turn into resources within the eye of an imagined investor.
A ground-breaking anthropological research at the tradition of latest capitalism, this paintings directs cognizance to the mostly unexplored challenge of capitalization and provides a serious source for present debates on neoliberalism and financialization.
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Extra info for Capitalization: A Cultural Guide
But this tax incentive scheme is rather indirect: the tax relief applies to individuals who invest in a fund specialized in 60 Capitalization LQQRYDWLRQDQGPDQDJHGE\DYHQWXUHFDSLWDOÀUP7KLVLVDQRWHZRUWK\ feature of French innovation policy: it is about stimulating the investor ÀUVW Considerable amounts of money are raised through this scheme. In 2008, two types of such common funds—“fonds communs de placement dans l’innovation” (FCPI) and “fonds d’investissement de proximité” (FIP)— HQDEOHGÀQDQFLDOÀUPVWRUDLVHPRUHWKDQELOOLRQHXURVDOORFDWHG among 87 investment funds, and underwritten by more than 145,000 people, with about 50% managed by venture capitalists, as shown by a survey conducted the following year on behalf of the national association RI SULYDWHHTXLW\ÀUPVWKH$VVRFLDWLRQ)UDQoDLVHGHV,QYHVWLVVHXUVHQ Capital, AFIC, later renamed Association Française des Investisseurs pour OD&URLVVDQFH9HQWXUHFDSLWDOÀUPVLQYHVWHGPRUHWKDQPLOOLRQHXURV in such schemes.
Investors and scientists appear as free-standing individuals who exercise their wills and temperaments, visions and inertias in face-to-face encounters, and who engage in a plot of mutual enrichment or decay—and there is agreement on the fact that they should thrive. But investors and scientists are not what the biotechnology industry is about, not even what investment and science are about. Investment is about large bureaucracies, about organized social assemblages, employees following routines, people with shifting professional identities enmeshed LQJOREDOSROLWLFDOFRQÀJXUDWLRQVDQGZRUNLQJZLWKFRPSOH[WHFKQRFUDWLF apparatuses (Montagne and Ortiz 2013; Ortiz 2013b, 2014a, 2014b).
A direct consequence is that the company’s growth is linked to a process of appropriation on the part of the investors, accelerated by a parallel process of power transfer. ” It is there where the relationship between time and the value of ownership crystallizes. The search for liquidity involves creating the right “exit conditions” for the investors, meaning that the assets held by the investors are able to be converted into cash at any given moment to promptly produce a return to shareholders.