By Brad Meltzer
There's not anything extra mysterious than a locked field. no matter if it's a literal strongbox, an empty coffin, the internal workings of a scientist's brain, or an underground criminal mobile, there are those that will use any capacity essential to liberate the secrets and techniques of...THE secret BOX.
With this anthology, bestselling writer Brad Meltzer introduces twenty-one unique tales from today's so much well-liked secret writers. In Laura Lippman's "Waco 1982," a tender reporter caught with a possible mundane project on lost-and-found containers unwittingly discovers a depressing crime. In Joseph Finder's "Heirloom," a scheming neighbor frightens the recent couple at the block with an unnerving story of buried treasure. In R.L. Stine's "High Stakes," a guy on his honeymoon will get drawn right into a extraordinary guess concerning a coffin--a wager he may possibly pay for along with his life.
From the foothills of Mount Fuji to Georgia's Okefenokee Swamp, from a physics laboratory in wartime Leipzig to an strange health membership in Boca Raton, those occasionally terrifying, occasionally humorous, and regularly suspenseful stories will hold you riveted to the web page.
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Sample text
Neumeyer, Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Society, Second Edition, New York: Van Nostrand, 1955, p. 152 ; James F. , "Differential Association as a Hypothesis: Problems of Empirical Testing", Social Problems,8 (Summer, 1960), pp. 14-25; Trice, op. ; S. Kirson Weinberg, "Theories of Criminality and Problems of Prediction", Journal ofCriminal Law and Criminology, 45 (November-December, 1954), pp. 412--429. 21 See the statement on p. 19, above. 22 Op. , p. 182. "23 Such statements are not so much errors in interpretation of the differential association statement as they are errors regarding the role of theory, hypotheses and facts in scientific research.
10 A further complication in this regard arises because some crimes become known to the police only if a victim complains, while other offences become known by direct observation on the part of the police. Cases of drunken driving, for example, usually get into police records only if observed by a policeman, while cases of burglary usually become known to the police as a result of a report by the victim. The ratio of offences committed to offences known probably is greater for those offences that get into police records only when observed by the police than for those which get into the reports as a result of complaints by victims.
63--65. 36 INTRODUCTION TO THE THEORY and sometimes as "forgery," making it impossible to get a close estimate of the amount of variation in time of anyone of these offences. 12 Fifth, when comparisons are made, the mere number of crimes known to the police is not sufficient. What is needed is statements of rates-the number of crimes in proportion to the number of population or in proportion to some other base. But determination of this base is sometimes almost as difficult as determination of the crime ratio itself.