By Michael J. Mazarr
An in-depth research of the army, financial, and political implications of the strategic and tactical missile defenses for the Asian-Pacific zone. It bargains updated study at the prestige of SDI and Asian-Pacific international locations and provides an advent to the SDI debate and Europe. Michael Mazarr has written for a couple of periodicals together with "Defense Analysis". he's the co-editor of "Technology move to the Soviet Union - hindrance for the West" and is at present engaged on "Semper Fidel - American international relations and Cuba, 1776-1988".
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Extra resources for Missile Defences and Asian-Pacific Security
Apparently, worried by a steadily increasing Soviet Asian military presence as well as closer relations between North Korea and the USSR, Japan, China and South Korea are all giving thought to a mutual security agreement designed to check Soviet influence. Even if such an arrangement is never established, the fact that the concept has emerged as a counterpoint to Gorbachev's proposal for a Soviet-led Far Eastern security system emphasizes the failure of Soviet regional diplomacy. In short, as Asian analyst Richard Solomon has concluded, 'unless Soviet leaders are prepared to make major policy alterations, they can only counter what they perceive to be highly adverse political-security trends in this region by a heavy reliance on military responses,' 28 and those responses will continue to alienate regional actors.
Soviet occupation of the Northern Territories, islands in the north end of the Japanese chain acquired at the end of World War II, continues to constitute a sticking point, however, and broader negotiations over cultural and political exchanges have not made much progress. The Soviets have, nevertheless, apparently realized that their heavy-handed approach of the past has failed, and that bellicose rhetoric about Japanese defence co-operation with the United States serves only to alienate Japanese government and public opinion.
Growing anti-nuclear, and in some cases antiAmerican, sentiment in both nations has already begun to splinter one of the United States traditionally most secure alliances. Whether this trend is arrested or accelerated depends largely on how the United States handles the concerns of Australia and New Zealand regarding political and military policy. The historically conservative governments of Australia and New Zealand, which guided those nations' participation in support of the United States in every major world conflict, were replaced by more liberal parties in the 1980s.