Dust to Dust (Kovac and Liska, Book 2) by Tami Hoag

By Tami Hoag

Sorry. the one be aware used to be written on a reflect. In entrance of it hung the Minneapolis inner Affairs cop. used to be it suicide? Or a kinky act became tragic?

Either means, it wasn’t homicide. no less than now not in response to the powers that be. yet veteran murder detective Sam Kovac and his wisecracking, formidable associate Nikki Liska imagine otherwise. jointly they start to dig on the too-neat edges of the younger cop’s demise, uncovering one reason and one suspect after one other. The shadows of suspicion fall not just at the city’s elite, yet into the very center of the police division.

Someone desires the case closed–quickly and perpetually. yet neither Kovac nor Liska will hand over. Now either their careers and their lives are at the line. From a homicide case months previous to a different case closed for 20 years, Kovac and Liska needs to unearth a connection the killer wishes useless and buried. A killer who will cease at totally not anything to maintain a gloomy and shattering mystery . . .

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Additional resources for Dust to Dust (Kovac and Liska, Book 2)

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Neumeyer, Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Society, Second Edition, New York: Van Nostrand, 1955, p. 152 ; James F. , "Differential Association as a Hypothesis: Problems of Empirical Testing", Social Problems,8 (Summer, 1960), pp. 14-25; Trice, op. ; S. Kirson Weinberg, "Theories of Criminality and Problems of Prediction", Journal ofCriminal Law and Criminology, 45 (November-December, 1954), pp. 412--429. 21 See the statement on p. 19, above. 22 Op. , p. 182. "23 Such statements are not so much errors in interpretation of the differential association statement as they are errors regarding the role of theory, hypotheses and facts in scientific research.

10 A further complication in this regard arises because some crimes become known to the police only if a victim complains, while other offences become known by direct observation on the part of the police. Cases of drunken driving, for example, usually get into police records only if observed by a policeman, while cases of burglary usually become known to the police as a result of a report by the victim. The ratio of offences committed to offences known probably is greater for those offences that get into police records only when observed by the police than for those which get into the reports as a result of complaints by victims.

63--65. 36 INTRODUCTION TO THE THEORY and sometimes as "forgery," making it impossible to get a close estimate of the amount of variation in time of anyone of these offences. 12 Fifth, when comparisons are made, the mere number of crimes known to the police is not sufficient. What is needed is statements of rates-the number of crimes in proportion to the number of population or in proportion to some other base. But determination of this base is sometimes almost as difficult as determination of the crime ratio itself.

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